Time Left - 35:00 mins
General English
Attempt now to get your rank among 4121 students!
Question 1
Direction: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in a proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph: then answer the questions that follow.
A. While Sufi rap is an emerging form globally, pioneered by French rap star Abd al-Malik, ‘Like A Sufi’ is the first Indian example of the genre.
B. MC Kash also featured in Hip Hop Homeland and, in fact, it was while they were working on that project that the seeds for 101 Sufi were sown.
C. To celebrate World Music Day, online content portal 101 India is releasing a music video titled ‘Like A Sufi’.
D. The video is part of a new, ongoing project, 101 Sufi, which traces modern Sufi musicians and enables collaborations between them.
E. This isn’t the first special music project by the digital platform, which also brought us Hip Hop Homeland, focusing on India’s fast-growing rap scene.
F. It is a collaboration between Pune-based Sufi rock band Alif and Kashmiri rapper Roushan Illahi a.k.a. MC Kash.
Which of the following will be the SECOND sentence after rearrangement?
Question 2
Direction: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in a proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph: then answer the questions that follow.
A. While Sufi rap is an emerging form globally, pioneered by French rap star Abd al-Malik, ‘Like A Sufi’ is the first Indian example of the genre.
B. MC Kash also featured in Hip Hop Homeland and, in fact, it was while they were working on that project that the seeds for 101 Sufi were sown.
C. To celebrate World Music Day, online content portal 101 India is releasing a music video titled ‘Like A Sufi’.
D. The video is part of a new, ongoing project, 101 Sufi, which traces modern Sufi musicians and enables collaborations between them.
E. This isn’t the first special music project by the digital platform, which also brought us Hip Hop Homeland, focusing on India’s fast-growing rap scene.
F. It is a collaboration between Pune-based Sufi rock band Alif and Kashmiri rapper Roushan Illahi a.k.a. MC Kash.
Which of the following will be the THIRD sentence after rearrangement?
Question 3
Direction: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in a proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph: then answer the questions that follow.
A. While Sufi rap is an emerging form globally, pioneered by French rap star Abd al-Malik, ‘Like A Sufi’ is the first Indian example of the genre.
B. MC Kash also featured in Hip Hop Homeland and, in fact, it was while they were working on that project that the seeds for 101 Sufi were sown.
C. To celebrate World Music Day, online content portal 101 India is releasing a music video titled ‘Like A Sufi’.
D. The video is part of a new, ongoing project, 101 Sufi, which traces modern Sufi musicians and enables collaborations between them.
E. This isn’t the first special music project by the digital platform, which also brought us Hip Hop Homeland, focusing on India’s fast-growing rap scene.
F. It is a collaboration between Pune-based Sufi rock band Alif and Kashmiri rapper Roushan Illahi a.k.a. MC Kash.
Which of the following will be the FOURTH sentence after rearrangement?
Question 4
Direction: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in a proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph: then answer the questions that follow.
A. While Sufi rap is an emerging form globally, pioneered by French rap star Abd al-Malik, ‘Like A Sufi’ is the first Indian example of the genre.
B. MC Kash also featured in Hip Hop Homeland and, in fact, it was while they were working on that project that the seeds for 101 Sufi were sown.
C. To celebrate World Music Day, online content portal 101 India is releasing a music video titled ‘Like A Sufi’.
D. The video is part of a new, ongoing project, 101 Sufi, which traces modern Sufi musicians and enables collaborations between them.
E. This isn’t the first special music project by the digital platform, which also brought us Hip Hop Homeland, focusing on India’s fast-growing rap scene.
F. It is a collaboration between Pune-based Sufi rock band Alif and Kashmiri rapper Roushan Illahi a.k.a. MC Kash.
Which of the following will be the LAST (SIXTH) sentence after rearrangement?
Question 5
Direction: Rearrange the following six sentences (A), (B), (C), (D), (E) and (F) in a proper sequence to form a meaningful paragraph: then answer the questions that follow.
A. While Sufi rap is an emerging form globally, pioneered by French rap star Abd al-Malik, ‘Like A Sufi’ is the first Indian example of the genre.
B. MC Kash also featured in Hip Hop Homeland and, in fact, it was while they were working on that project that the seeds for 101 Sufi were sown.
C. To celebrate World Music Day, online content portal 101 India is releasing a music video titled ‘Like A Sufi’.
D. The video is part of a new, ongoing project, 101 Sufi, which traces modern Sufi musicians and enables collaborations between them.
E. This isn’t the first special music project by the digital platform, which also brought us Hip Hop Homeland, focusing on India’s fast-growing rap scene.
F. It is a collaboration between Pune-based Sufi rock band Alif and Kashmiri rapper Roushan Illahi a.k.a. MC Kash.
Which of the following will be the FIRST sentence after rearrangement?
Question 6
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
What was stated by the Indian Educational Policy of 1913 as a measure of achievement?
Question 7
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is TRUE according to the given passage?
Question 8
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is FALSE according to the given passage?
Question 9
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
According to the author, which stage have we reached in terms of the CCE implementation?
Question 10
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which of the following would be a suitable title for the passage?
Question 11
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is MOST SIMILAR in meaning to the word “evaluation”?
Question 12
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is MOST OPPOSITE in meaning to the word “devastating”?
Question 13
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is MOST SIMILAR in meaning to the word “dimensions”?
Question 14
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is MOST OPPOSITE in meaning to the word “prominent”?
Question 15
Direction: Read the passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you to locate them while answering some of these.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
About 80 years ago, the Zakir Hussain report on National Basic Education noted that the “system of examinations prevailing in our country has proved a curse to education”. It pinpointed the malady by saying that a bad system is made worse by awarding examinations a place much beyond their utility. The problem, however, is much older than stated in the Zakir Hussain report.
For this, one has to go back as early as 1904 to the Indian Educational Policy issued by the then Governor General. This colonial document had a section titled “The abuse of examinations” and noted that “[e]xaminations, as now understood, are believed to have been unknown as an instrument of general education in ancient India”. It also claimed that examinations did not have a prominent place even in the Despatch of 1854, commonly known as Wood’s Despatch. The Hunter Commission report of 1882-83, which left examinations and promotions to the next class up to standard eight entirely to the schools, did not recommend any province-level or board exemptions. Still, the educational policy of 1904 noted that examinations had “grown to extravagant dimensions, and their influence has been allowed to dominate the whole system of education in India, with the result that instruction is confined within the rigid framework of prescribed courses, that all forms of training which do not admit of being tested by written examinations are liable to be neglected”. It further noted that the system was adopted on the precedence of English education which itself has “finally condemned” it; however, in India, it was proving to be “disastrous in its influence” on education. The policy recommended reforms that included abandoning public examination at the primary level, “more equitable tests of efficiency”, and “to relieve the schools and scholars from the heavy burden of recurring mechanical tests”.
The Indian Educational Policy of 1913 declared victory and stated that “the formerly crushing weight of examinations has been appreciably lightened”. It further declared that the “principal objects of the school final examination are adaptability to the course of study and avoidance of cram”.
All this shows that the devastating effects of this “curse to education” have been known quite well for over 100 years. There is no commission or committee report after Independence which does not acknowledge the burden of rote learning and the examination system on its students and its futility in assessing their real abilities. They all recommend examination reforms. The recent attempts, after Right to Education (RTE) stipulation, of no pass-fail and no board examinations till completion of elementary education in favour of a continuous and comprehensive evaluation (CCE) are well known.
However, the public education system has completely failed to implement these reforms and the private schools have never paid much attention to them. We have now reached a stage where no one in the country knows how the CCE can be implemented, and how we can measure progress of the child without pass-fail systems. Therefore, there has been a concerted effort to discard this half-hearted foraging into unknown territory as soon as the present government came to power at the Centre. The result is that many States have gone back to their familiar pass-fail system and board examinations at the end of eighth standard if not earlier.
Which among the following is MOST SIMILAR in meaning to the word “prevailing”?
Question 16
Direction: A sentence with two blanks is given, each blank indicating that something has been omitted. Choose the words that best fit in the given blanks making the sentence grammatically correct and meaningful.
India has come a long way in making safe blood available throughout the year, but much remains to be done before we reach the _________ goal of 100 per cent voluntary donation and the availability of _______ blood across the country at all times.
Question 17
Directions: The following question carries a sentence with two blanks. Choose the most suitable pair of words from the given options that would make the sentence meaningful and complete.
The governor commands the trust of the markets and investors because he is not seen ________ for the authorities and is not shy of publicly expressing __________ on economic or political developments, though never recklessly.
Question 18
Direction: A sentence with two blanks is given, each blank indicating that something has been omitted. Choose the words that best fit in the given blanks making the sentence grammatically correct and meaningful.
The dispute, according to observers, _________ the overall difference in opinion between developed and developing countries on whether _______ alone should be a part of the Nationally Determined Contributions or whether adaptation and the means of implementation should also be included.
Question 19
Directions: A sentence with two blanks is given, each blank indicating that something has been omitted. Choose the words that best fit into the blanks appropriately.
The state's top-down approach to push schemes without _______ the foundation for them goes against the spirit of the 74th Amendment of the Constitution which promises ____________ of State’s powers, resources, and administrative support to the ULBs and PRIs.
Question 20
Direction: A sentence with two blanks is given, each blank indicating that something has been omitted. Choose the words that can be filled in the blanks to make the sentence grammatically correct and meaningful.
A key, though perhaps underappreciated, outcome of the meetings of the SBI and SBSTA was the __________ to have a technical session in November 2016 on economic diversification and transformation;and just transition of the workforce, and the creation of ________ work and quality jobs.
Question 21
Direction: Which of the phrases (A), (B), (C) and (D) given below each sentence should replace the word/phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (E) as the answer.
Auto OEM is the only sector which was expected to move from moderate stress level now to low stress level by next fiscal.
Question 22
Direction: In the given question, a part of the sentence is printed in bold. Below the sentence, alternatives to the emboldened part are given as (A), (B), (C) and (D), which may help improve the sentence. Choose the correct alternative out of the given five options. In case the given sentence is correct, your answer will be option (E), i.e., "No correction required".
The situation was further aggravated by fast grown segments like steels and power coming against road blocks like fall in process, regulatory issues etc.
Question 23
Direction: In the given question, a part of the sentence is printed in bold. Below the sentence alternatives to the bold part are given at (A), (B), (C) and (D) which may help improve the sentence. Choose the correct alternative. In case the given sentence is correct, your answer is (E) i.e. No correction required.
There has been a noticeable slowdown in the demand for credit that the past couple of year due of the deceleration of the economy.
Question 24
Directions: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) and (4) given below each sentence should replace the word/phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (5) as the answer.
After reviewing 20 sectors, the study concluded that only textiles and hospitality would remain in the high stress zone.
Question 25
Directions: Which of the phrases (1), (2), (3) and (4) given below each sentence should replace the word/phrase printed in bold in the sentence to make it grammatically correct? If the sentence is correct as it is given and no correction is required, mark (5) as the answer.
Once the SBI moves into a new technology, it will take one or two years for introduce that same technology to the SBT.
Question 26
Direction: Read the sentence to find out whether there is any error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. If the given sentence is correct as it is, mark the answer as No error. Ignore the errors of punctuation if any.
The financial stress levels for banks will/ subside across sectors due to increased/ consumer spending following a healthy/ pace of infrastructure investment.
Question 27
Direction: Read the sentence to find out whether there is an error in it. The error, if any, will be in one part of the sentence. The number corresponding to that part will be your answer. If the given sentence is correct as it is, mark the answer as ‘No error’. Ignore the errors of punctuation, if any.
The consummate leader cultivates (1)/ the moral law, and strictly adhere (2)/ to method and discipline; thus it is (3)/ in his power to control success. (4)
Question 28
Directions: Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical error in it. The error, if any, will be In one part of the sentence. If there is no error, the answer is (5) i.e., ‘No error’ (Ignore the errors of punctuation, if any)
a)/ The proposed merger of five small banks with b)/ SBI will raise our market share by about 5 per cent, c)/ which will make the merge entity 3 times d)/ bigger than the nearest competitor. e)/ No error
Question 29
Directions: Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical error in it. The error, if any, will be In one part of the sentence. If there is no error, the answer is (5) i.e., ‘No error’ (Ignore the errors of punctuation, if any)
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) on Monday allowed banks to (1)/ conduct deep restructuring of large accounts to revive (2)/ projects which can be saved, effectively throwing (3)/ a lifeline to promoters who risked losing their companies. (4)
Question 30
Directions: Read each sentence to find out whether there is any grammatical error in it. The error, if any, will be In one part of the sentence. If there is no error, the answer is (5) i.e., ‘No error’ (Ignore the errors of punctuation, if any)
a)/ ICRA said that the revenue stream of the telecom companies b)/ has evolved over the years from being c)/ largely driven by voice services to d)/ one with a substantial mix of data revenues. e)/ No error
Question 31
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 32
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 33
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 34
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 35
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 36
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 37
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 38
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 39
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
Question 40
Direction: In the following passage there are blanks each of which has been numbered. These numbers are printed below the pas-sage and against each, five words/phrases are suggested, one of which fits the blank appropriately. Find out the appropriate word in each case.
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
BRICS leaders are gathered in the Russian town of Ufa for the bloc’s annual summit, and Internet governance is high on their (31). The summit comes at a (32) juncture in India’s internet diplomacy. Last month in Buenos Aires, at a conference organised by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad offered an “Indian (33) for the Internet”. ICANN is the organisation that manages the Domain Name System, which serves as the (34) for all technical and commercial activity in cyberspace. In his recorded message, Mr. Prasad declared India would move away from state-led approaches to (35) the Internet, preferring instead a mechanism that co-opts the private sector and civil society into the policy-making process. India’s (36) of this model – called “multi-stakeholderism” – was followed at home by the launch of the “Digital India week”, which underlined the enormous political capital that the Narendra Modi government has (37) in technological solutions to governance. The Buenos Aires declaration, however, (38) stated New Delhi’s position: in Ufa, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his delegation will be queried extensively by their interlocutors on the (39) cyber strategies that India will (40).
Find out the appropriate word/phrase in each case.
- 4121 attempts
- 21 upvotes
- 373 comments
Mar 23PO, Clerk, SO, Insurance
