Reading Comprehension || RC PRACTICE SET - 27 || CAT 2021 || 16 JUNE

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Intermediate Para Transit (IPT) — a system that facilitates flexible passenger transportation and that does not necessarily follow fixed routes and schedules — is an integral part of the mobility ecosystem in Indian cities. The toxic emissions by the conventional internal combustion engine (ICE), however, are worrisome.

ICE-IPT vehicles contribute to vehicular pollution share: A conventional three-wheeler running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) emits approximately 0.005 tonnes of Particulate Matter10 (PM10) in a year and about 3.72 tonnes carbon dioxide in a year, according to a study conducted by The Energy Research Institute (TERI).

Alternative fuel-based mobility options are being explored to combat these problems. And electric three-wheel based IPT segment, especially electric-rickshaws (e-rickshaw), are emerging as a winner in this transition. There are, however, multiple challenges that need to be addressed to make this transition smooth.

E-rickshaws currently comprise 83 per cent of the India electric vehicle market. India currently has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws that increase with additional sales of around 11,000 new ones every month. These figures could be much higher as a large percentage is still unregistered. The major growth drivers behind this tremendous growth are socio-economic and environmental benefits, along with the supportive government policy landscape.

However, despite their mass deployment, there are several issues associated with the regulation of e-rickshaws. Their components are imported from outside but are assembled in India. These are usually non-standardised and assembled in local workshops without complying with standards. Unorganised players sell 10,000 e-rickshaws a month against 1,500-2,000 a month for organised players. The e-rickshaws sold by unorganised sector are of poor quality and operate on lead-acid battery that needs to be changed after every six-eight months. The replacement cost per battery is Rs 25,000-Rs 28,000. The lead-acid batteries are usually weighing close to 80 kilograms, which reduces vehicle mileage. As the battery cannot be refurbished, an e-rickshaw owner typically returns it to the vendor it has run its life. Used batteries are often disposed of carelessly, harming the environment. The Union government discontinued subsidy for lead acid-based e-rickshaws from October 2019 amid FAME I. E-rickshaws have proliferated because most of them remain unregistered. India has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws in 2021; till 2019, only 1.5 lakh were registered. Delhi, for instance, has more than 1 lakh e-rickshaws; but only 5,891 are registered. As a result, drivers do not hold valid licenses and the safety of passengers is compromised. The lack of authorised e-rickshaw charging facilities leads to power theft. Several unorganised setups in Delhi provide bulk charging at night by doing power theft. The e-rickshaw owners pay fixed money (Rs 100-150) for parking and charging facilities.

For electric rickshaw market to flourish in a sustainable way, a combination of policy and regulatory interventions are needed.

Source: https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/air/why-e-rickshaws-have-emerged-a-winner-in-transition-to-electric-mobility-race-75767

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Intermediate Para Transit (IPT) — a system that facilitates flexible passenger transportation and that does not necessarily follow fixed routes and schedules — is an integral part of the mobility ecosystem in Indian cities. The toxic emissions by the conventional internal combustion engine (ICE), however, are worrisome.

ICE-IPT vehicles contribute to vehicular pollution share: A conventional three-wheeler running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) emits approximately 0.005 tonnes of Particulate Matter10 (PM10) in a year and about 3.72 tonnes carbon dioxide in a year, according to a study conducted by The Energy Research Institute (TERI).

Alternative fuel-based mobility options are being explored to combat these problems. And electric three-wheel based IPT segment, especially electric-rickshaws (e-rickshaw), are emerging as a winner in this transition. There are, however, multiple challenges that need to be addressed to make this transition smooth.

E-rickshaws currently comprise 83 per cent of the India electric vehicle market. India currently has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws that increase with additional sales of around 11,000 new ones every month. These figures could be much higher as a large percentage is still unregistered. The major growth drivers behind this tremendous growth are socio-economic and environmental benefits, along with the supportive government policy landscape.

However, despite their mass deployment, there are several issues associated with the regulation of e-rickshaws. Their components are imported from outside but are assembled in India. These are usually non-standardised and assembled in local workshops without complying with standards. Unorganised players sell 10,000 e-rickshaws a month against 1,500-2,000 a month for organised players. The e-rickshaws sold by unorganised sector are of poor quality and operate on lead-acid battery that needs to be changed after every six-eight months. The replacement cost per battery is Rs 25,000-Rs 28,000. The lead-acid batteries are usually weighing close to 80 kilograms, which reduces vehicle mileage. As the battery cannot be refurbished, an e-rickshaw owner typically returns it to the vendor it has run its life. Used batteries are often disposed of carelessly, harming the environment. The Union government discontinued subsidy for lead acid-based e-rickshaws from October 2019 amid FAME I. E-rickshaws have proliferated because most of them remain unregistered. India has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws in 2021; till 2019, only 1.5 lakh were registered. Delhi, for instance, has more than 1 lakh e-rickshaws; but only 5,891 are registered. As a result, drivers do not hold valid licenses and the safety of passengers is compromised. The lack of authorised e-rickshaw charging facilities leads to power theft. Several unorganised setups in Delhi provide bulk charging at night by doing power theft. The e-rickshaw owners pay fixed money (Rs 100-150) for parking and charging facilities.

For electric rickshaw market to flourish in a sustainable way, a combination of policy and regulatory interventions are needed.

Source: https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/air/why-e-rickshaws-have-emerged-a-winner-in-transition-to-electric-mobility-race-75767

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Intermediate Para Transit (IPT) — a system that facilitates flexible passenger transportation and that does not necessarily follow fixed routes and schedules — is an integral part of the mobility ecosystem in Indian cities. The toxic emissions by the conventional internal combustion engine (ICE), however, are worrisome.

ICE-IPT vehicles contribute to vehicular pollution share: A conventional three-wheeler running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) emits approximately 0.005 tonnes of Particulate Matter10 (PM10) in a year and about 3.72 tonnes carbon dioxide in a year, according to a study conducted by The Energy Research Institute (TERI).

Alternative fuel-based mobility options are being explored to combat these problems. And electric three-wheel based IPT segment, especially electric-rickshaws (e-rickshaw), are emerging as a winner in this transition. There are, however, multiple challenges that need to be addressed to make this transition smooth.

E-rickshaws currently comprise 83 per cent of the India electric vehicle market. India currently has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws that increase with additional sales of around 11,000 new ones every month. These figures could be much higher as a large percentage is still unregistered. The major growth drivers behind this tremendous growth are socio-economic and environmental benefits, along with the supportive government policy landscape.

However, despite their mass deployment, there are several issues associated with the regulation of e-rickshaws. Their components are imported from outside but are assembled in India. These are usually non-standardised and assembled in local workshops without complying with standards. Unorganised players sell 10,000 e-rickshaws a month against 1,500-2,000 a month for organised players. The e-rickshaws sold by unorganised sector are of poor quality and operate on lead-acid battery that needs to be changed after every six-eight months. The replacement cost per battery is Rs 25,000-Rs 28,000. The lead-acid batteries are usually weighing close to 80 kilograms, which reduces vehicle mileage. As the battery cannot be refurbished, an e-rickshaw owner typically returns it to the vendor it has run its life. Used batteries are often disposed of carelessly, harming the environment. The Union government discontinued subsidy for lead acid-based e-rickshaws from October 2019 amid FAME I. E-rickshaws have proliferated because most of them remain unregistered. India has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws in 2021; till 2019, only 1.5 lakh were registered. Delhi, for instance, has more than 1 lakh e-rickshaws; but only 5,891 are registered. As a result, drivers do not hold valid licenses and the safety of passengers is compromised. The lack of authorised e-rickshaw charging facilities leads to power theft. Several unorganised setups in Delhi provide bulk charging at night by doing power theft. The e-rickshaw owners pay fixed money (Rs 100-150) for parking and charging facilities.

For electric rickshaw market to flourish in a sustainable way, a combination of policy and regulatory interventions are needed.

Source: https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/air/why-e-rickshaws-have-emerged-a-winner-in-transition-to-electric-mobility-race-75767

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Intermediate Para Transit (IPT) — a system that facilitates flexible passenger transportation and that does not necessarily follow fixed routes and schedules — is an integral part of the mobility ecosystem in Indian cities. The toxic emissions by the conventional internal combustion engine (ICE), however, are worrisome.

ICE-IPT vehicles contribute to vehicular pollution share: A conventional three-wheeler running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) emits approximately 0.005 tonnes of Particulate Matter10 (PM10) in a year and about 3.72 tonnes carbon dioxide in a year, according to a study conducted by The Energy Research Institute (TERI).

Alternative fuel-based mobility options are being explored to combat these problems. And electric three-wheel based IPT segment, especially electric-rickshaws (e-rickshaw), are emerging as a winner in this transition. There are, however, multiple challenges that need to be addressed to make this transition smooth.

E-rickshaws currently comprise 83 per cent of the India electric vehicle market. India currently has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws that increase with additional sales of around 11,000 new ones every month. These figures could be much higher as a large percentage is still unregistered. The major growth drivers behind this tremendous growth are socio-economic and environmental benefits, along with the supportive government policy landscape.

However, despite their mass deployment, there are several issues associated with the regulation of e-rickshaws. Their components are imported from outside but are assembled in India. These are usually non-standardised and assembled in local workshops without complying with standards. Unorganised players sell 10,000 e-rickshaws a month against 1,500-2,000 a month for organised players. The e-rickshaws sold by unorganised sector are of poor quality and operate on lead-acid battery that needs to be changed after every six-eight months. The replacement cost per battery is Rs 25,000-Rs 28,000. The lead-acid batteries are usually weighing close to 80 kilograms, which reduces vehicle mileage. As the battery cannot be refurbished, an e-rickshaw owner typically returns it to the vendor it has run its life. Used batteries are often disposed of carelessly, harming the environment. The Union government discontinued subsidy for lead acid-based e-rickshaws from October 2019 amid FAME I. E-rickshaws have proliferated because most of them remain unregistered. India has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws in 2021; till 2019, only 1.5 lakh were registered. Delhi, for instance, has more than 1 lakh e-rickshaws; but only 5,891 are registered. As a result, drivers do not hold valid licenses and the safety of passengers is compromised. The lack of authorised e-rickshaw charging facilities leads to power theft. Several unorganised setups in Delhi provide bulk charging at night by doing power theft. The e-rickshaw owners pay fixed money (Rs 100-150) for parking and charging facilities.

For electric rickshaw market to flourish in a sustainable way, a combination of policy and regulatory interventions are needed.

Source: https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/air/why-e-rickshaws-have-emerged-a-winner-in-transition-to-electric-mobility-race-75767

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Intermediate Para Transit (IPT) — a system that facilitates flexible passenger transportation and that does not necessarily follow fixed routes and schedules — is an integral part of the mobility ecosystem in Indian cities. The toxic emissions by the conventional internal combustion engine (ICE), however, are worrisome.

ICE-IPT vehicles contribute to vehicular pollution share: A conventional three-wheeler running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) emits approximately 0.005 tonnes of Particulate Matter10 (PM10) in a year and about 3.72 tonnes carbon dioxide in a year, according to a study conducted by The Energy Research Institute (TERI).

Alternative fuel-based mobility options are being explored to combat these problems. And electric three-wheel based IPT segment, especially electric-rickshaws (e-rickshaw), are emerging as a winner in this transition. There are, however, multiple challenges that need to be addressed to make this transition smooth.

E-rickshaws currently comprise 83 per cent of the India electric vehicle market. India currently has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws that increase with additional sales of around 11,000 new ones every month. These figures could be much higher as a large percentage is still unregistered. The major growth drivers behind this tremendous growth are socio-economic and environmental benefits, along with the supportive government policy landscape.

However, despite their mass deployment, there are several issues associated with the regulation of e-rickshaws. Their components are imported from outside but are assembled in India. These are usually non-standardised and assembled in local workshops without complying with standards. Unorganised players sell 10,000 e-rickshaws a month against 1,500-2,000 a month for organised players. The e-rickshaws sold by unorganised sector are of poor quality and operate on lead-acid battery that needs to be changed after every six-eight months. The replacement cost per battery is Rs 25,000-Rs 28,000. The lead-acid batteries are usually weighing close to 80 kilograms, which reduces vehicle mileage. As the battery cannot be refurbished, an e-rickshaw owner typically returns it to the vendor it has run its life. Used batteries are often disposed of carelessly, harming the environment. The Union government discontinued subsidy for lead acid-based e-rickshaws from October 2019 amid FAME I. E-rickshaws have proliferated because most of them remain unregistered. India has around 15 lakh e-rickshaws in 2021; till 2019, only 1.5 lakh were registered. Delhi, for instance, has more than 1 lakh e-rickshaws; but only 5,891 are registered. As a result, drivers do not hold valid licenses and the safety of passengers is compromised. The lack of authorised e-rickshaw charging facilities leads to power theft. Several unorganised setups in Delhi provide bulk charging at night by doing power theft. The e-rickshaw owners pay fixed money (Rs 100-150) for parking and charging facilities.

For electric rickshaw market to flourish in a sustainable way, a combination of policy and regulatory interventions are needed.

Source: https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/air/why-e-rickshaws-have-emerged-a-winner-in-transition-to-electric-mobility-race-75767

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words/ group of words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.
Despite the fact that India’s rank in the Global Hunger Index has fallen to 103 (ranked out of 119) countries, the issue of hunger is often relegated to the background. In terms of policy, hunger, as an issue, is not dealt with directly, and with urgency. Instead, it is kept under the larger purview of economic development which expects that wealth will percolate to solve the problem of hunger. This formulation makes a number of incorrect assumptions about the relationship between hunger and other social structures. It is, at best, an indirect method that does nothing to immediately address the alarming issue of hunger that India is facing at present.
When the Food Security Bill was being debated in Parliament, there was a need to conceptualise hunger and malnutrition in such a way that would enable the estimation of entitlements that would be made available by the government. In this context, an article titled Lessons on Food and Hunger in 2013 tried to understand the “unconscionable reality” of those who grapple with critical hunger to fill the gaps in the discourse around hunger. The study found out that natural and intimate narrative of food and hunger, reflecting the lives of a majority of children, are generally absent from the discourse of education. What can be found, instead, are clinical and insensitive descriptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, often illustrated with visuals of food far beyond the reach of most children.
Contrary to the popularly held belief that food insecurity is a symptom of poverty, we have found that there is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. According to a study, India is currently experiencing a “food-budget squeeze” owing to shrinking social expenditure by the government. This makes the urban and rural poor dependent on private entities for essential services like education and transportation. Consequently, the portion of income that can be spent on food also shrinks.
Between 2008 and 2014, India’s position on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) seemed to have been improving. Thereafter, India’s position began to deteriorate again. Researchers explain that India’s rank fell from 2016 because, from 2015, the conception of malnutrition was reformulated. New parameters were introduced to expand what is understood as hunger to include stunting and wasting in children, because of which a more accurate perception of the extent of the problem could be estimated. The inclusion of stunting ensures consideration of rigid cultural factors, while that of wasting represents aspects of diet quality as well. Also, stunting is an indicator of long-term growth failure, and therefore, must be accounted for in any analysis of potential threat a given level of child malnutrition poses for a country.
Despite the fact that the rate of global food production has been consistently higher than the rate of population growth, there is a persistent and pervasive crisis when it comes to food security. It is suggested that hunger can only be dealt with by, “carrying out policies of income redistribution, which respond to objectives of social justice rather than economic efficiency as perceived by neo-liberalism.” In most developing countries one of the biggest issues, with respect to public provisioning towards social protection, to address hunger and food insecurity is organically connected with that of adequate “fiscal” or “expenditure” space. Hence, a substantial push in public provisioning towards social protection might go a long way in ensuring food security.
SOURCE: https://www.epw.in

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words/ group of words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Despite the fact that India’s rank in the Global Hunger Index has fallen to 103 (ranked out of 119) countries, the issue of hunger is often relegated to the background. In terms of policy, hunger, as an issue, is not dealt with directly, and with urgency. Instead, it is kept under the larger purview of economic development which expects that wealth will percolate to solve the problem of hunger. This formulation makes a number of incorrect assumptions about the relationship between hunger and other social structures. It is, at best, an indirect method that does nothing to immediately address the alarming issue of hunger that India is facing at present.
When the Food Security Bill was being debated in Parliament, there was a need to conceptualise hunger and malnutrition in such a way that would enable the estimation of entitlements that would be made available by the government. In this context, an article titled Lessons on Food and Hunger in 2013 tried to understand the “unconscionable reality” of those who grapple with critical hunger to fill the gaps in the discourse around hunger. The study found out that natural and intimate narrative of food and hunger, reflecting the lives of a majority of children, are generally absent from the discourse of education. What can be found, instead, are clinical and insensitive descriptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, often illustrated with visuals of food far beyond the reach of most children.
Contrary to the popularly held belief that food insecurity is a symptom of poverty, we have found that there is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. According to a study, India is currently experiencing a “food-budget squeeze” owing to shrinking social expenditure by the government. This makes the urban and rural poor dependent on private entities for essential services like education and transportation. Consequently, the portion of income that can be spent on food also shrinks.
Between 2008 and 2014, India’s position on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) seemed to have been improving. Thereafter, India’s position began to deteriorate again. Researchers explain that India’s rank fell from 2016 because, from 2015, the conception of malnutrition was reformulated. New parameters were introduced to expand what is understood as hunger to include stunting and wasting in children, because of which a more accurate perception of the extent of the problem could be estimated. The inclusion of stunting ensures consideration of rigid cultural factors, while that of wasting represents aspects of diet quality as well. Also, stunting is an indicator of long-term growth failure, and therefore, must be accounted for in any analysis of potential threat a given level of child malnutrition poses for a country.
Despite the fact that the rate of global food production has been consistently higher than the rate of population growth, there is a persistent and pervasive crisis when it comes to food security. It is suggested that hunger can only be dealt with by, “carrying out policies of income redistribution, which respond to objectives of social justice rather than economic efficiency as perceived by neo-liberalism.” In most developing countries one of the biggest issues, with respect to public provisioning towards social protection, to address hunger and food insecurity is organically connected with that of adequate “fiscal” or “expenditure” space. Hence, a substantial push in public provisioning towards social protection might go a long way in ensuring food security.

SOURCE: https://www.epw.in

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words/ group of words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Despite the fact that India’s rank in the Global Hunger Index has fallen to 103 (ranked out of 119) countries, the issue of hunger is often relegated to the background. In terms of policy, hunger, as an issue, is not dealt with directly, and with urgency. Instead, it is kept under the larger purview of economic development which expects that wealth will percolate to solve the problem of hunger. This formulation makes a number of incorrect assumptions about the relationship between hunger and other social structures. It is, at best, an indirect method that does nothing to immediately address the alarming issue of hunger that India is facing at present.
When the Food Security Bill was being debated in Parliament, there was a need to conceptualise hunger and malnutrition in such a way that would enable the estimation of entitlements that would be made available by the government. In this context, an article titled Lessons on Food and Hunger in 2013 tried to understand the “unconscionable reality” of those who grapple with critical hunger to fill the gaps in the discourse around hunger. The study found out that natural and intimate narrative of food and hunger, reflecting the lives of a majority of children, are generally absent from the discourse of education. What can be found, instead, are clinical and insensitive descriptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, often illustrated with visuals of food far beyond the reach of most children.
Contrary to the popularly held belief that food insecurity is a symptom of poverty, we have found that there is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. According to a study, India is currently experiencing a “food-budget squeeze” owing to shrinking social expenditure by the government. This makes the urban and rural poor dependent on private entities for essential services like education and transportation. Consequently, the portion of income that can be spent on food also shrinks.
Between 2008 and 2014, India’s position on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) seemed to have been improving. Thereafter, India’s position began to deteriorate again. Researchers explain that India’s rank fell from 2016 because, from 2015, the conception of malnutrition was reformulated. New parameters were introduced to expand what is understood as hunger to include stunting and wasting in children, because of which a more accurate perception of the extent of the problem could be estimated. The inclusion of stunting ensures consideration of rigid cultural factors, while that of wasting represents aspects of diet quality as well. Also, stunting is an indicator of long-term growth failure, and therefore, must be accounted for in any analysis of potential threat a given level of child malnutrition poses for a country.
Despite the fact that the rate of global food production has been consistently higher than the rate of population growth, there is a persistent and pervasive crisis when it comes to food security. It is suggested that hunger can only be dealt with by, “carrying out policies of income redistribution, which respond to objectives of social justice rather than economic efficiency as perceived by neo-liberalism.” In most developing countries one of the biggest issues, with respect to public provisioning towards social protection, to address hunger and food insecurity is organically connected with that of adequate “fiscal” or “expenditure” space. Hence, a substantial push in public provisioning towards social protection might go a long way in ensuring food security.

SOURCE: https://www.epw.in

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words/ group of words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Despite the fact that India’s rank in the Global Hunger Index has fallen to 103 (ranked out of 119) countries, the issue of hunger is often relegated to the background. In terms of policy, hunger, as an issue, is not dealt with directly, and with urgency. Instead, it is kept under the larger purview of economic development which expects that wealth will percolate to solve the problem of hunger. This formulation makes a number of incorrect assumptions about the relationship between hunger and other social structures. It is, at best, an indirect method that does nothing to immediately address the alarming issue of hunger that India is facing at present.
When the Food Security Bill was being debated in Parliament, there was a need to conceptualise hunger and malnutrition in such a way that would enable the estimation of entitlements that would be made available by the government. In this context, an article titled Lessons on Food and Hunger in 2013 tried to understand the “unconscionable reality” of those who grapple with critical hunger to fill the gaps in the discourse around hunger. The study found out that natural and intimate narrative of food and hunger, reflecting the lives of a majority of children, are generally absent from the discourse of education. What can be found, instead, are clinical and insensitive descriptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, often illustrated with visuals of food far beyond the reach of most children.
Contrary to the popularly held belief that food insecurity is a symptom of poverty, we have found that there is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. According to a study, India is currently experiencing a “food-budget squeeze” owing to shrinking social expenditure by the government. This makes the urban and rural poor dependent on private entities for essential services like education and transportation. Consequently, the portion of income that can be spent on food also shrinks.
Between 2008 and 2014, India’s position on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) seemed to have been improving. Thereafter, India’s position began to deteriorate again. Researchers explain that India’s rank fell from 2016 because, from 2015, the conception of malnutrition was reformulated. New parameters were introduced to expand what is understood as hunger to include stunting and wasting in children, because of which a more accurate perception of the extent of the problem could be estimated. The inclusion of stunting ensures consideration of rigid cultural factors, while that of wasting represents aspects of diet quality as well. Also, stunting is an indicator of long-term growth failure, and therefore, must be accounted for in any analysis of potential threat a given level of child malnutrition poses for a country.
Despite the fact that the rate of global food production has been consistently higher than the rate of population growth, there is a persistent and pervasive crisis when it comes to food security. It is suggested that hunger can only be dealt with by, “carrying out policies of income redistribution, which respond to objectives of social justice rather than economic efficiency as perceived by neo-liberalism.” In most developing countries one of the biggest issues, with respect to public provisioning towards social protection, to address hunger and food insecurity is organically connected with that of adequate “fiscal” or “expenditure” space. Hence, a substantial push in public provisioning towards social protection might go a long way in ensuring food security.

SOURCE: https://www.epw.in

Direction: Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Certain words/ group of words are printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of these.

Despite the fact that India’s rank in the Global Hunger Index has fallen to 103 (ranked out of 119) countries, the issue of hunger is often relegated to the background. In terms of policy, hunger, as an issue, is not dealt with directly, and with urgency. Instead, it is kept under the larger purview of economic development which expects that wealth will percolate to solve the problem of hunger. This formulation makes a number of incorrect assumptions about the relationship between hunger and other social structures. It is, at best, an indirect method that does nothing to immediately address the alarming issue of hunger that India is facing at present.
When the Food Security Bill was being debated in Parliament, there was a need to conceptualise hunger and malnutrition in such a way that would enable the estimation of entitlements that would be made available by the government. In this context, an article titled Lessons on Food and Hunger in 2013 tried to understand the “unconscionable reality” of those who grapple with critical hunger to fill the gaps in the discourse around hunger. The study found out that natural and intimate narrative of food and hunger, reflecting the lives of a majority of children, are generally absent from the discourse of education. What can be found, instead, are clinical and insensitive descriptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, often illustrated with visuals of food far beyond the reach of most children.
Contrary to the popularly held belief that food insecurity is a symptom of poverty, we have found that there is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. According to a study, India is currently experiencing a “food-budget squeeze” owing to shrinking social expenditure by the government. This makes the urban and rural poor dependent on private entities for essential services like education and transportation. Consequently, the portion of income that can be spent on food also shrinks.
Between 2008 and 2014, India’s position on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) seemed to have been improving. Thereafter, India’s position began to deteriorate again. Researchers explain that India’s rank fell from 2016 because, from 2015, the conception of malnutrition was reformulated. New parameters were introduced to expand what is understood as hunger to include stunting and wasting in children, because of which a more accurate perception of the extent of the problem could be estimated. The inclusion of stunting ensures consideration of rigid cultural factors, while that of wasting represents aspects of diet quality as well. Also, stunting is an indicator of long-term growth failure, and therefore, must be accounted for in any analysis of potential threat a given level of child malnutrition poses for a country.
Despite the fact that the rate of global food production has been consistently higher than the rate of population growth, there is a persistent and pervasive crisis when it comes to food security. It is suggested that hunger can only be dealt with by, “carrying out policies of income redistribution, which respond to objectives of social justice rather than economic efficiency as perceived by neo-liberalism.” In most developing countries one of the biggest issues, with respect to public provisioning towards social protection, to address hunger and food insecurity is organically connected with that of adequate “fiscal” or “expenditure” space. Hence, a substantial push in public provisioning towards social protection might go a long way in ensuring food security.

SOURCE: https://www.epw.in